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A few months later, the Italian finds this medical treatise in a bookstore and is shocked to discover that the doctor censored and distorted the most daring parts of his text in order to support his own theories. He protests by writing a long, unapologetic, and even more daring letter to the doctor, defending his right to lead his own life.

Based on the newly discovered manuscript of the letter to the doctor, along with some additional resources, this edition is the first complete, unexpurgated version in English of this very famous gay autobiography. It brings to light the uniquely nineteenth-century experience of a privileged young man, forthrightly expressing his desires and defending his right to pleasure. The Italian Invert is a rare autobiography in which a gay man frankly describes his desires, loves and life at the end of the nineteenth century.

Written in French and previously published in censored versions only, recently discovered manuscripts allow readers to discover for the first time in English the complete story of this dashing young Italian aristocrat who dared to defend his right to sexual pleasure. It will appeal to anyone interested in the history of homosexuality, queer identities, or gender diversity. As an original source for the study of autobiographical texts as historical documents, it will serve undergraduate or graduate students in history and literature, in both French and Italian studies.

It is also an important addition to existing publications for historians of medicine, psychology, and sexology. Saint-Paul Acknowledgements Bibliography. Save to Library Download Edit. This new critical and complete edition of the Novel of an invert, includes the previously censore Georges Saint-Paul in by a gay Italian aristocrat. All previous editions are based on the blue-penciled versions published by Georges Saint-Paul in , and and are missing over a third of the original text. The new version is based on the manuscripts recently found in the archives of the Zola family and the archives of the Saint-Paul family which allow us to publish this astonishing autobiography in full.

The book includes photographic reproductions of the manuscripts and an in-depth analysis of the letters and the people involved. An English translation is currently in preparation with a planned publication date for the fall of We hope that this complete version will highlight the importance of this text and will put to rest the controversy surrounding its authenticity.

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Plus d'un tiers du texte a ainsi disparu. Articles in peer-reviewed journals. Georges Eekhoud was put on trial in October , accused of depicting homosexuality in his The trial engendered a unique series of events in Belgian contemporary public discourse: a debate on homosexuality in a country where such topics were usually completely ignored or condemned.

Surprisingly, the debate that focused on the novel in newspapers was not entirely opposed to Eekhoud, who was finally acquitted in his trial. The publicity had an effect that was the opposite of what was hoped for by the authorities: Escal-Vigor went from obscurity to popularity, with six printings by A study of the public, private and literary debate surrounding the trial will allow us a glimpse of a brief moment in history where gay literature was at the centre of attention and ask ourselves what influence it had on the lot of homosexuals at the time.

La chose de Waterloo. Genesis Manuscrits — Recherche — Invention , May 1, Cahiers internationaux de symbolisme , Dec 15, Zola and Homosexuality, a new approach In this article we wish to study, under a new light, the way in which Zola relates to the issue of homosexuality.

I wish to show the way in which Zola was influenced by a document which was sent to him in : the autobiography of a young Italian homosexual who hopes that the author will use his story as the basis for a novel. The document, with a preface by Zola, is published by Dr. Chapters of Collective Books. Certaines de leurs notes sont une source passionnante sur la vie des homosexuels sous le Second Empire, les lieux de rencontres, les pratiques et surtout, ce qu'on en dit. Le roman Escal-Vigor de Georges Eekhoud a fait l'objet d'une traduction anglaise en , The novel contains a defense of homosexuality which engendered an October trial for Georges Eekhoud, of which he was acquitted.

This article analyzes the English translation of the novel and the cooperation between the author and publisher. Les lettres de la Belgique autour de l'Affaire Dreyfus. Deux romans contempora As more and more of these kinds of archives become known, scholars are increasingly focusing thei In his philosophical treatise Corydon, Gide presents historical homosexuality as an entirely natural phenomenon. He takes a different approach in his biography Si le grain ne meurt [If It Die] where he presents a sanitized and idealized version of his own homosexuality.

When he published his personal diary in , Gide obsessively removed references to his homosexual experiences. It is only in that an uncensored version of his diary was published. Gide's extensive correspondence had a similar fate. Most proper names were removed and replaced by initials or an x. Critics of French prostitution policy, such as Mouvement du Nid , question how effective this was, its implementation, and whether it really closed the "maisons". For instance, they point to the presence of military brothels in Algeria till It is under the direction of the Minister of the Interior.

France became officially " abolitionist " in when it ratified the UN Convention on the Suppression of Trafficking and the Exploitation of Prostitution. In the debates over prostitution in France, "abolition" was used to refer to both the abolition of laws and regulations that make any distinction between someone involved in prostitution and the general population, and the abolition of prostitution itself. At that time, police files on prostitutes were finally destroyed.

Exceptions were the demonstrations of prostitutes rights movements against police harassment in , and periodic calls by individual politicians for re-opening the "maisons" see Maisons closes below. State policy has been built on two principles - criminalization, and support. Criminalization of the exploitation brothels, procuring, pimping of prostitution, and support and re-integration for those exiting.

However, the latter attracted few funds, and was largely left to charitable NGOs. Only a single position within the Department of Social Services had responsibility for this part of policy and funding. In the new Penal Code, pimping became a serious offence if associated with organized crime or barbarity, and overall was defined at three levels of severity with increasing fines, and prison sentences from five years up to life imprisonment.

Clients were only criminalized if purchasing from minors under 15 years of age. In , sex tourism was added if offences against minors were committed by French residents outside France. In the s, France became increasingly assertive internationally as a champion of abolitionism, opposing moves towards liberalization and regulation by the Netherlands and the International Labour Organization. French policy emphasised, along with the International Convention, that the real evil was prostitution, not trafficking, defined as an "accompanying evil".

Active solicitation was also outlawed in the late s. In the first six months after the law was enacted, men were prosecuted for purchasing sexual acts. It is legal for a man or woman to be a prostitute and sell sexual acts. Prostitutes pay taxes as other independent activities [47]. Owning or operating a brothel is illegal. France is an "abolitionist" country - its public policy is the prohibition and eradication of prostitution; however, at the same time, it considers that making it illegal to offer sexual acts in return for goods or services in the context of one's private life is a violation of individual liberty.

The issue has been prominent on the French political agenda since the late s, responding to international pressures on child prostitution and pornography and trafficking , international distinctions between forced and voluntary entry into prostitution rejected by the dominant "abolitionist" discourse and increasing migration.

This was heightened in when Jean-Pierre Raffarin 's right-wing government succeeded the Gauche Plurielle plural left coalition of Lionel Jospin The Jospin construction was that prostitutes were victims and needed to be saved and re-integrated. This was a view shared by state feminists , ministers, delegates, and the powerful abolitionist lobby, and is reflected in the Derycke report as well as the National Commission on Violence Against Women, [38] as well as the debates on modern slavery esclavage moderne.

Very few of these constructed prostitution as a legitimate form of work. At the municipal level, there was evidence of prostitutes being constructed as public nuisances that needed to be confined, and many mayors of both political groups responded to citizen groups to introduce by-laws restricting prostitutes' activities in early This was fuelled by an apparent increased visibility.

The commitment to abolitionism prevented specific laws aimed at prostitution which would have been seen as regulation initially, so they often used traffic and parking by-laws to drive out workers, which ultimately mean that they were moved from well-lit busy areas to much more unsafe areas. As the discourse shifted from abolitionism to security, so did more explicit laws and regulations. This disquiet enabled Nicolas Sarkozy to later mobilize public anxiety about security evident in the elections that year in his Domestic Security bill.

The cultural context is the concept of gender equality as stated in the preamble to the and constitution and which had seen an increasing momentum of political gains for women, including the establishment of a women's policy agency in and a ministry of women's rights in However, a significant gap still exists in terms of economic and employment opportunities. Meanwhile, immigration policies have become increasingly restrictive, and soliciting can result in the removal of a migrant's work permit. The Socialist Party Manifesto calls for holding clients "responsible".

Manual Les Dimanches dun bourgeois de Paris (Littéra) (French Edition)

The vague language is due to the fact that such measures remain controversial in the Socialist Party. In , Chantal Brunel , an MP in Sarkozy's ruling right-wing UMP party, and newly appointed head of the equality office, [52] called for legalizing and regulating maisons closes brothels , see Maisons closes, below akin to the situation in several surrounding countries, claiming that this would make the sex trade safer and transparent.

This caused considerable discussion. Instead, they demand the repeal of the law outlawing solication, [56] [57] a demand that Chantal Brunel also supports. In June , the socialist women's minister Najat Vallaud-Belkacem announced that she wanted to abolish prostitution in France and in Europe. State feminists dominated the discourse in the left-wing Jospin years, pursuing an anti-male-violence campaign. This influence has waned under the security agenda of the succeeding right-wing governments, but is still evident in the new political thinking, as stated in Marie-Jo Zimmermann 's UMP report to the Delegation on Women's Rights on prostitution [59] in which she echoes the left wing sentiment that the purchase of sex constitutes violence.

The pervasiveness of this thinking is even found in the budget. As in many other countries, debates on the nature and regulation of transactional sex are highly polarized. These positions are the familiar ones that define sex work as violence against women on the one hand, and those who see the problem as stigmatisation and poor working conditions on the other.

These result in proposals for either the eradication of prostitution, or social reforms. The dominant abolitionist faction consists of Catholics, family values advocates and sections within feminism and the left. This resulted from a close fit between the government position and the dominant socio-political discourse, making it acceptable to a broad coalition that included abolitionists, secular and religious NGOs, politicians from both ends of the political spectrum, and most French feminists.

This was so dominant under the Jospin years as to appear normative and non-ideological [61] and above any philosophical debate.


In the s, a number of changes shifted the focus of debates. These included an increasing globalization of movements on both parts of the debate, Sweden and the Netherlands were moving to change their legislation in two distinct and different directions, there was political instability in Eastern Europe and there was also increasing concern about AIDS , while state feminists were also playing an increasing part in policy debates.

There were however occasional dissenting voices such as the debate in Le Nouvel Observateur in , sparked by the Dutch legislation. A manifestation of abolitionism was the declaration of May 18, , published in the centre-left Le Nouvel Observateur , called " Le corps n'est pas une marchandise " "The body is not a commodity".


This was signed by 35 prominent citizens, and demanded that France and Europe affirm their commitment to the abolition of prostitution, resulting in a debate covering many aspects of the subject, such as choice, autonomy, voice, and agency. In , cases of pimping were tried, and sentenced to prison.

Generally the judiciary were satisfied with the existing legislation, [34] although also saw the creation of a new unit of the Judicial Police using information technology to combat pimping and trafficking. Transnational operators proved a problem to the police. The report of the Delegation named after its author, Senator Dinah Derycke [34] [72] was critical of what it saw as the lack of commitment in the fight against prostitution, mainly the difference between France's official abolitionist position and what was occurring in practice.

Although the report received a favourable reception in parliament initially, its political impact was limited. Senator Derycke retired due to ill health and died soon after, while other pressures diverted the debate into other related measures, such as organized crime and trafficking and 'modern slavery'. Outside parliament, there was a new activism and demand for action, led by Bus des femmes.

However, the new right-wing government elected in Jean-Pierre Raffarin was to completely change the way prostitution was perceived see below. Criticism of the dominant discourse came from prostitute' rights advocates, health associations, such as Cabiria Lyons , [75] AIDS groups, and some activists who complained that sex workers were being treated paternalistically and denied voice and moral agency.

They demanded eradication of stigma and restoration of rights, access to health and social services, and better "working conditions".